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Additional resources for Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950-1980, 10th Anniversary Edition

Example text

What are the facts about inequalities between blacks and whites? Are things better or worse or the same? What have been the trends? The answers are complicated by the fact that our goals kept changing. Americans in 1950 were not simply blind to the existence of poverty and discrimination (although that was part of it). They also had very different perceptions from those of Americans in 1981 about the nature of "poverty" and "inequality," about their causes and cures. Indeed, our policy toward the poor and blacks was by 1981 almost the opposite of our policy in 1950.

Whites who saw themselves as friends of the civil rights movement had to agree that the riots were regrettable but not the fault of blacks. The inevitability of the riots, even their reasonableness, had to be accepted, not as a matter of historical causation but as the basis for the white policy reaction. Of course the civil rights legislation had not forestalled violence, Newsweek told us. After all, "The promises of the present could not undo in a day the ugly legacy of the Negro past," the magazine wrote in its lead paragraph on the Watts riot.

For the politicians and policymakers and implementers of the programs, it was about to become the indispensable rationale for coping with two empirical developments that few were anticipating when the War on Poverty got under way. The Civil Rights Movement Moves North Speaking to an interviewer in 1967, Daniel Patrick Moynihan summed up in a few sentences the toils in which the social welfare experiment had wound itself when the civil rights movement moved north. In the South ... there were a great many outcomes-situations, customs, rules -which were inimical to Negro rights, which violated Negro rights and which were willed outcomes.

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