By Yang Razali Kassim
This e-book reports the worldwide challenge and tensions over even if to intrude or to not intrude in serious civil conflicts which try out the validity of the recent doctrine of accountability to guard or R2P. It rather assesses R2P’s relevance for Asia, that's outlined widely during this publication to incorporate West Asia or the center East and the region’s emergence because the such a lot critical chance to overseas order within the type of the Arab Uprisings. whereas East Asia and South Asia have their proportion of events that warrant R2P-justified interventions, it's the conflicts in West Asia that experience significantly proven the viability of R2P. Has this new norm been powerful as a device for overseas legislations and international relations? Are there customers for a tweaking or repositioning of R2P as encouraged through a few students and governments to make the concept that extra applicable to the worldwide group, together with Southeast Asia? Has the Westphalian doctrine of country sovereignty and non-intervention turn into superfluous due to the upward thrust of R2P? Will a brand new doctrine of “Eastphalia” or “non-intervention with East Asian features” emerge instead, led by way of China in addition to like-minded Asian and different states?
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Extra resources for The Geopolitics of Intervention: Asia and the Responsibility to Protect
While Beijing was initially critical of R2P when it was first promoted in the ICISS report in 2001, that scepticism later softened into a cautious embrace of R2P in 2005 when the UN held the World Summit and the World Summit Outcome document adopted R2P. At the same time, in 2008, China’s stand-offish stance towards Sudan’s internal conflict over Darfur saw its non-interventionist stance being interpreted by others as being protective of an unpopular regime for the sake of securing China’s demand for Sudanese oil.
What we have witnessed is a case of an attempt at neo-authoritarianism. Theoretically, Heydarian argues, R2P’s mission can be said to be the transformation of the international community and individual states into responsible actors. Assuming this to be the case, this mission is founded on a constructivist understanding of International Relations—the power of norms in shaping state behaviour. At the same time, Heydarian is cautious about putting too much hope on ‘prescriptive norms’—assuming R2P is entrenched as a norm—shaping the behaviour of states.
2 Conditionality School: Qualified Support for Intervention This school of thought recommends that China should give conditional support for forcible intervention, but China should also be open to ‘‘soft interference’’ by others, such as external criticism of its own policies. One of its advocates is Shitong Qiao, also of Peking University. Like Wu, he also sees some difficulty in China moving away from the traditional doctrine of non-intervention, as seen in China’s new diplomatic strategy of the ‘‘Harmonious World Theory’’ (Qiao 2011) (Yu 2011).
The Geopolitics of Intervention: Asia and the Responsibility to Protect by Yang Razali Kassim