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Extra resources for Geographies of Identity in Nineteenth-Century Japan

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The picture of status in Tokugawa society that I have sketched thus far is a political one insofar as it takes for granted the power of political authorities to sort people into social groups on the basis of their utility to the shogun or daimyo, and because it assumes a rough equivalence between utility to political authority and utility to society at large. Not surprisingly, status was much more than a political construct, but it is worthwhile to pause here to consider its political dimensions more fully, as doing so will help clarify the relationship between status and civilization and, ultimately, the origins of the modern nation-state in Japan.

Based on manuscript map, dated 13th day, 2nd month, 1794. , Suzuki-ke monjo, vol. 1. challenged or even inverted, so too was status constantly subject to redefinition. But like gender, status was all-encompassing: it could be ambivalent or situationally defined but not eschewed entirely because it lay at the core of social and legal identity. Disruptions of status boundaries had to be rectified or at least regu- The Geography of Status 39 larized. 43 But discrepancies could also be resolved the inverse way, by adjusting status to fit social reality.

A brief example will illustrate this paradoxical point. The hinin, or “nonpersons,” were a heterogeneous collection of beggars, entertainers, fortune-tellers, and other marginal people who existed beyond the bounds of commoner society, yet they composed a status group with an internal organization and explicit duties. Among the duties of urban hinin was the regulation of unregistered transients, called nohinin (“wild” hinin) if they begged or called mushuku (literally, “without lodgings”) more generally.

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