By Kathryn Ibata-Arens
ISBN-10: 0521856442
ISBN-13: 9780521856447
Japan's innovators and marketers have survived recession within the Nineteen Nineties to prosper in today's aggressive company setting. This quantity explores the struggles of marketers and civic-minded neighborhood leaders in fostering leading edge task, and identifies key company classes for an financial system wanting dynamic swap. Ibata-Arens bargains in-depth research of method in agencies, groups and in neighborhood govt. The booklet examines exact case stories of high-technology brands in Kyoto, Osaka and Tokyo, in addition to bio-tech clusters in America--demonstrating far-reaching innovation and festival results in nationwide associations
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Additional info for Innovation and Entrepreneurship in Japan: Politics, Organizations, and High Technology Firms
Sample text
These systems hit the market just as auto makers were becoming more sensitive to the need to reduce emissions and Soda sales increased steadily in the 1980s. Soda continued to plow as much as possible into R&D and Soda currently holds 85% of the world market for these systems. In 1979, Soda hired one of his juniors at Hitachi and still maintains loose ties with their technologists, occasionaly hiring a talented technologist chafing under the corporate hierarchy. For example, Soda recently hired an engineer from the Osaka University graduate school who had quit Hitachi after only a year, citing the anti-creative atmosphere.
These interlocking institutions working in tandem within Japan’s pyramid production structure have had three main effects on entrepreneurs: first, they have created a patent system built on technology expropriation (initially from foreign competitors). Second, Japan’s system of industrial finance is both biased towards large (and in post-1990s reform years, medium-sized) established firms and lacks the expertise in evaluating good business ideas. Third, part and parcel of the smooth functioning of the production pyramid has been vertically integrated relational ‘‘exclusive’’ contracting, that begets inter-firm networks (and monopsony abuses) of similar ilk (Ibata-Arens 2000).
I find that the bulk of the research on Japan’s innovation system is based on faulty empirical foundations. This empirical weakness has resulted in a number of recurring misperceptions of Japan (for example, about the true nature and impact of relational contracting on innovation) in the international literature – particularly in the field of political economy – that has compared Japan to other major economies. A re-evaluation of major works in the light of firm- and regional-level practice in Japan is in order.
Innovation and Entrepreneurship in Japan: Politics, Organizations, and High Technology Firms by Kathryn Ibata-Arens
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